Jamal Khashoggi’s Death Is the Latest Chapter in A 300-Year War

Prominent Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi’s suspected murder, and its aftermath, is the latest battle of a 300-year war over Sunni Islam…

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The apparent abduction, and probable murder, of the prominent Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on Oct. 2 unmasked the ugly despotism behind the reformist image of the kingdom’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman. 

The U.S./Saudi relationship should be under the microscope like never before following Khashoggi’s probable death. 

Less noticed, however, is the way this scandal revealed a long-running rivalry between the two countries that directly butted heads at the outset: Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

This is a story that goes back to the 18th century. Then, much of what we call “the Middle East” today, including the more habitable part of the Arabian Peninsula, was part of the Ottoman Empire, ruled from Istanbul, then called Constantinople, by a cosmopolitan elite of mainly Turks and Balkan Muslims, including Bosnians and Albanians. The Hejaz, the western region of the Arabian Peninsula that included the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, was revered for religious reasons, but it was a backwater with no political or cultural significance.

In the 1740s, in the most isolated central area of the Arabian Peninsula, called Najd, a scholar named Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab emerged with a fiery call for the restoration of “true Islam.” Wahhab soon allied with a chieftain called Ibn Saud—the founder of the Saudi dynasty.

The First Saudi State they established together grew in size and ambition, leading to a big massacre of Shiites in Karbala in 1801 and the occupation of Mecca in 1803. The Ottomans crushed the Wahhabi revolt in 1812 via their protectorate in Egypt, and Wahhabism retreated to the desert.

Another tumult in Hejaz occurred in 1856 when the Ottomans, thanks to the influence of their British allies, introduced another heretical “innovation”: the banning of slave trade, which was then a lucrative business between the Africa coast and the Arabian city of Jeddah. At the behest of angry slave traders, Grand Sharif Abd al-Muttalib of Mecca declared that Turks had become infidels and their blood was licit. As we learn from the chronicles of Ottoman statesman Ahmed Cevdet Pasha, Turks’ sins included “allowing women to uncover their bodies, to stay separate from their fathers or husbands, and to have the right to divorce.”

These were the changes introduced during the Tanzimat, the great Ottoman reform movement in the mid-19th century by which the empire imported many Western institutions and norms. The Tanzimat allowed the Ottoman Empire to ultimately become a constitutional monarchy with an elected parliament—something still unimaginable in the absolute monarchy of Saudi Arabia. It also allowed the rise of the modern Turkish Republic, where secular law became the norm, women gained equal rights, and democracy began to grow.

Today, admittedly, Turkey became the home of jailed journalists, crushed opponents, hate, paranoia, and a new cult of personality that has been called “Erdoganism.” Yet Erdogan and his fellow Islamists are still Turkey’s Islamists—that is, compared with Saudi Arabia’s elites, they are still operating within a more modern framework that reflects a milder interpretation of Sunni Islam.

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Can Islam and Individual Freedom Coexist?

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Despite Morocco’s strong Islamic history and heritage, the battle for individual freedoms in the country has been making great (if quiet) strides in the past decade.  

In a new paper, Moroccan journalist and human rights activist Ahmed Benchemsi examines the roots of the Moroccan movement for individual freedoms, and addresses continuing challenges to its development and advancement. 

“To score more successes—including changes at the legal and constitutional levels,” says Benchemsi, “the movement needs to unify, engage in marketing and communication efforts, and most importantly adopt a unified agenda and strategy.”

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Understanding Political Islam

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Since 9/11, the thrust of Western foreign and security policy toward the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has aimed at containing radical forms of Islam

The Arab Spring started a wave of revolutionary fervor, and over a three-year period starting in 2010, regimes throughout the MENA region fell. The electoral success of Islamist parties in many of these countries reinvigorated concerns. The recent kangaroo courts in Egypt and rise of ISIS in Iraq have further brought radical Islamism into the spotlight. 

In a new study, Cato policy analyst Dalibor Rohac examines the roots of political Islam, the policy implications of its rise, and the longer term prospects for secular liberal democracy in the region. According to Rohac, the electoral successes of Islamists in Arab Spring countries have relatively little to do with religion but rather with the organizational characteristics of Islamic political groups.

“The electoral success of Islamists is a natural result of the political environment, which can be mitigated only by an increase in the credibility of alternative political groups,” writes Rohac. “The electoral advantage enjoyed by Islamic parties can be expected to dissipate…as competing political groups establish channels of communication, promise verification for their voters, and build reputation over time.”