President Trump’s First 100 Days: Trade & Foreign Policy

Inaugurated on January 20, 2017, our 45th President will complete 100 days in office this Saturday, April 29th…

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The “first 100 days” was a dictatorial metaphor from the start. It entered the presidential lexicon in 1933, when journalists likened FDR’s legislative onslaught to Napoleon Bonaparte’s 1815 breakout from Elba and subsequent three-month rampage, ending at Waterloo.

Thankfully, President Trump’s first 100 days haven’t been nearly so dramatic. But of course, we are less than 100 days into Trump’s presidency, so we cannot reach any firm conclusions yet

In his first three months, Trump has learned that the presidency can be an incredibly frustrating job. Of the long list of items in Trump’s “100-day action plan,” he’s barely moved on most, reversed himself on others, and been stymied by Congress and the courts on the few where he’s made a serious push.

For foreign policy wonks, Trump’s first hundred days have been a bit like a roller coaster ride.

 Trump has put additional boots on the ground in Syria, loosened rules of engagement designed to minimize civilian deaths, and dropped more bombs in Yemen than Obama did in any year of his presidency.

What we may get out of Trump’s trade policies is a more nuanced and targeted approach than was hinted at during the campaign, but his policy has been anything but predictable. 

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Skipping Some Intelligence Briefings Could Be Good for America

It remains to be seen whether the nation is better served if its commander-in-chief is terrified a few times a week rather than once a day by his intelligence briefings

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Although Trump’s reduced schedule of briefings is commonly interpreted as an effort to diss the intelligence community, it might actually be a good move by our future Commander-in-Chief.

It seems that Trump’s chief goal is to keep himself from becoming bored, but the real problem with intelligence briefings is not so much that they cause boredom in the recipient as that they routinely induce terror.

In his 2010 memoir, George W. Bush noted that, thanks to intelligence reports, “for months after 9/11, I would wake up in the middle of the night worried.” That’s not surprising considering the material covered in these meetings.

Central to the briefing is the “threat matrix,” a compendium assembled by the CIA and the FBI that includes all the “threats” — or more accurately “leads” — needing to be followed up. This matrix is made up of largely whispers, rumors, and other unconfirmed, raw information, much of which is below the threshold for top leaders to be following. So, instead of helping brief the President with actionable data, these briefings largely contribute to a pervasive sense that every day might bring a new attack.

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Is the Trump Administration Uniquely Susceptible to Nepotism?

The high-profile presence of Donald Trump’s family in the transition team has drawn more than a few negative comments in the media… 

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Nepotism is nothing new in the history of the U.S. presidency, although the Trump administration looks as though it may be especially susceptible.

Excluding relatives from official posts, though, hardly solves the nepotism problem; even when relatives do not occupy policymaking positions, they can still have a considerable impact on policy. Informal advisers can, and throughout America’s history have, influenced occupants of the Oval Office. And those advisers often are friends or relatives.

Perhaps the toughest problem to address is the role of the presidential spouse. The post of first lady (or first gentleman, in the event of a female president) is supposed to be primarily ceremonial or dealing with noncontroversial matters. That’s an important point, because there is no provision for formal accountability, whether congressional oversight or some other mechanism, for policy initiatives undertaken by a person in that post. Yet some first ladies have exercised a substantial amount of influence over policy. 

Unfortunately, that type of influence is something that is extraordinarily difficult to guard against. There is no way to pass a law against presidential pillow talk, or one that bars the President from talking about a policy issue with his or her spouse or children over dinner.

The reality is that nepotism is an ever-present temptation, regardless of who is in the office.

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The 2016 Election and the Cult of the Presidency

Against all odds, in January, Donald Trump will become the 45th president of the United States. Throughout the nation, Americans are decrying how someone so transparently likely to abuse power can become president. But, maybe it was a bad idea to concentrate so much power in the Oval Office in the first place..

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The prospect of Donald Trump as president is only slightly less ridiculous than the idea of Charlie Sheen with nukes—and possibly more frightening.”
Gene Healy, Vice President, Cato Institute

In the waning days of the Bush administration, the Cato Institute published The Cult of the Presidency: America’s Dangerous Devotion to Executive Power, by Gene Healy, which revealed how the demands we place on the presidency have turned it into a constitutional monstrosity.    

It’s no secret that the “most powerful office in the world” grew even more powerful in the Bush-Obama years. Both presidents stretched the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force into a wholesale delegation of congressional war powers broad enough to underwrite open-ended, globe-spanning war. Bush began—and Obama continued—the host of secret dragnet surveillance programs revealed by Edward Snowden—and others we’re still largely the dark about. And lately, on the home front, Obama has used the power of the pen to rewrite broad swathes of American law and spend billions of dollars Congress never appropriated.

When our scholars lionize presidents who break free from constitutional restraints, when our columnists and talking heads repeatedly call upon the “commander in chief ” to dream great dreams and seek the power to achieve them—when voters look to the president for salvation from all problems great and small—should we really be surprised that the presidency has burst its constitutional bonds and grown powerful enough to threaten American liberty?

The Cult of the Presidency takes a step back from the ongoing red team/blue team combat and shows that, at bottom, conservatives and liberals agree on the boundless nature of presidential responsibility. For both camps, it is the president’s job to grow the economy, teach our children well, provide seamless protection from terrorist threats, and rescue Americans from spiritual malaise. 

Conservatives pushed for a stronger presidency during the era of the Emerging Republican Majority, believing they’d hold the office more often than not. They pushed even harder during the second Bush presidency, passing on a presidency with radically enhanced powers to Barack Obama. Liberals, in turn, adopted a “what-me-worry?” attitude toward unchecked war powers, so long as Obama was in charge, and cheered 44’s promise to govern via the pen and the phone. 

But the problem with allowing a president to become so powerful is that you cannot guarantee who the next president might be.

If the next president can turn out to be a tyrant, then “tyrant-proofing the presidency” is our most pressing political task.

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